Europe's greatest fear may not be Trump's threat to invade or abandon its allies, but the far-reaching implications of his "second American revolution" – a global ideological movement that could upend the continent from within.
The seeds of this revolution were sown in 2018 with Steve Bannon's involvement. However, it has since evolved into a sophisticated partnership between Trump and like-minded figures such as JD Vance. The US National Security Strategy has even endorsed the growth of "patriotic" European parties, including Reform UK, Alternative für Deutschland, Marine Le Pen's Rassemblement National, Fidesz in Hungary, and Vox in Spain.
These nationalist and populist movements share a common intellectual project – one that seeks to dislodge liberal democracy in favor of a radical, contemporary ideology. At first glance, the new right may appear as an out-of-touch movement intent on restoring the past. But, according to Mark Leonard's research, this couldn't be further from the truth.
The true strength of the new right lies in its adaptability – its ability to resonate with the anxieties and fears of the 21st century. Its proponents have a compelling narrative that exposes the failings of liberal democracy and offers a pathway to power. This is the core idea behind the "new right" label, which Leonard uses to describe this global movement.
The new right's self-understanding centers around the notion that liberalism has failed to deliver on its promises. It points to the series of crises that have battered Europe – the global financial crash, eurozone crisis, refugee crisis, Covid pandemic, and rising living costs following Russia's invasion of Ukraine – as evidence that liberal governance has overwhelmed state capacity and fueled suspicion about whose interests governments serve.
Benedikt Kaiser, a former neo-Nazi who has now embraced electoral politics, exemplifies this view. He argues that the convergence of these crises has sapped the legitimacy of the post-war liberal order, creating an opening for political insurgents to capture the agenda.
The new right's policy agenda is centered around appealing to working-class voters who feel left behind by globalization and rising inequality. This appeal is distilled into a clear platform spanning immigration, trade, foreign policy, and state reform – all united by a promise to restore national identity.
Borders are now used as a tool for distinguishing the "real" members of the nation from outsiders, while tariffs are recast as a way to rebuild domestic production and elevate the dignity of work. Foreign policy is simplified to a narrowly defined national interest, and institutional resistance is overcome by attacking the "deep state" and discrediting experts.
The new right's success also rests on its mastery of the fractured media environment – particularly in dominating digital platforms. It has forged alliances with technology magnates like Elon Musk and saturated the online space with its narratives and slogans. This has allowed it to bypass traditional journalism and establish a presence in the algorithmic information space, where alternative facts and edgy memes are king.
Perhaps most effectively, the new right has forced mainstream parties into an unwinnable position – casting them as defenders of elites rather than workers or change-makers. By doing so, they have inadvertently strengthened their own positions by forcing opponents to adopt divisive rhetoric on migration.
To combat this threat, Leonard argues that centrist forces must acknowledge the new right's critique of liberalism and develop a political project that speaks to working-class concerns. This should involve using new methods of engagement – approaches that have worked in Denmark and the Netherlands, as well as in Kentucky and New York.
Ultimately, the lesson here is clear: Trumpism could follow a similar trajectory in many European countries, with majorities now seeing his re-election as detrimental. If centrist forces rally around a strategy that turns the new right's strengths into vulnerabilities, there may still be hope for Europe to reinvent itself as the real defenders of national sovereignty and defeat this global ideological movement.
The seeds of this revolution were sown in 2018 with Steve Bannon's involvement. However, it has since evolved into a sophisticated partnership between Trump and like-minded figures such as JD Vance. The US National Security Strategy has even endorsed the growth of "patriotic" European parties, including Reform UK, Alternative für Deutschland, Marine Le Pen's Rassemblement National, Fidesz in Hungary, and Vox in Spain.
These nationalist and populist movements share a common intellectual project – one that seeks to dislodge liberal democracy in favor of a radical, contemporary ideology. At first glance, the new right may appear as an out-of-touch movement intent on restoring the past. But, according to Mark Leonard's research, this couldn't be further from the truth.
The true strength of the new right lies in its adaptability – its ability to resonate with the anxieties and fears of the 21st century. Its proponents have a compelling narrative that exposes the failings of liberal democracy and offers a pathway to power. This is the core idea behind the "new right" label, which Leonard uses to describe this global movement.
The new right's self-understanding centers around the notion that liberalism has failed to deliver on its promises. It points to the series of crises that have battered Europe – the global financial crash, eurozone crisis, refugee crisis, Covid pandemic, and rising living costs following Russia's invasion of Ukraine – as evidence that liberal governance has overwhelmed state capacity and fueled suspicion about whose interests governments serve.
Benedikt Kaiser, a former neo-Nazi who has now embraced electoral politics, exemplifies this view. He argues that the convergence of these crises has sapped the legitimacy of the post-war liberal order, creating an opening for political insurgents to capture the agenda.
The new right's policy agenda is centered around appealing to working-class voters who feel left behind by globalization and rising inequality. This appeal is distilled into a clear platform spanning immigration, trade, foreign policy, and state reform – all united by a promise to restore national identity.
Borders are now used as a tool for distinguishing the "real" members of the nation from outsiders, while tariffs are recast as a way to rebuild domestic production and elevate the dignity of work. Foreign policy is simplified to a narrowly defined national interest, and institutional resistance is overcome by attacking the "deep state" and discrediting experts.
The new right's success also rests on its mastery of the fractured media environment – particularly in dominating digital platforms. It has forged alliances with technology magnates like Elon Musk and saturated the online space with its narratives and slogans. This has allowed it to bypass traditional journalism and establish a presence in the algorithmic information space, where alternative facts and edgy memes are king.
Perhaps most effectively, the new right has forced mainstream parties into an unwinnable position – casting them as defenders of elites rather than workers or change-makers. By doing so, they have inadvertently strengthened their own positions by forcing opponents to adopt divisive rhetoric on migration.
To combat this threat, Leonard argues that centrist forces must acknowledge the new right's critique of liberalism and develop a political project that speaks to working-class concerns. This should involve using new methods of engagement – approaches that have worked in Denmark and the Netherlands, as well as in Kentucky and New York.
Ultimately, the lesson here is clear: Trumpism could follow a similar trajectory in many European countries, with majorities now seeing his re-election as detrimental. If centrist forces rally around a strategy that turns the new right's strengths into vulnerabilities, there may still be hope for Europe to reinvent itself as the real defenders of national sovereignty and defeat this global ideological movement.
the thing is europe is so worried about trump's threat but what if its not just him its like a global trend 
and these new right movements in europe are super clever theyre like adapting to the 21st century and speaking to people who feel left behind by globalization 
its like theyve got a plan to appeal to working class voters and restore national identity 
but the thing is theyre also being super clever about how they use social media and technology to spread their narrative 
and if centrist forces dont figure out how to counter this they might just get left behind 
about these nationalist movements spreading across Europe 
, infecting people with their toxic ideology 
to gain power 
. The new right is so clever 
, using social media to spread their narrative 
to reach more ppl 
.
is how these movements are winning over working-class voters who feel left behind 
. It's like a masterclass in manipulation 
.
and acknowledge the new right's strengths, but also expose their weaknesses 
. Centrist forces must find a way to engage with working-class voters without resorting to divisive rhetoric 
. We can't let these nationalist movements hijack our democracy 
.
. It's time for us to take back the conversation 
and build a movement that truly represents Europe's diverse ppl 
I'm low-key worried about the rise of this "new right" in Europe 
. It sounds like a perfect recipe for division and chaos. These populist movements are adapting to the anxieties of people, but that just means they're exploiting their fears 
. The way they're using social media to spread their narratives is wild 
, it's like something out of "The Social Network" movie 
.
. We need to engage with people, listen to their concerns, and offer a better alternative 
. Anything less, and we risk losing the battle for the soul of Europe 
.
. Will be interested to see how it plays out in the coming years 
I'm getting really worried about the rise of nationalist & populist movements across Europe 
. Mainstream parties seem to be getting caught off guard & it's hard to see how they can compete with this new right 
. Can't just stick to traditional politics, we need a fresh approach that resonates with people! 
I think it's super crucial for European governments to acknowledge the concerns of working-class folks who feel left behind by globalization & rising inequality! The new right might seem extreme, but its message is rooted in real anxiety & frustration 
They're tryin' to spin this whole narrative that liberalism has failed us, but what's really goin' on here is they're just tryin' to take control and dismantle the system. It's like, they're tryin' to create a new world order or somethin', and I'm not buyin' it 
.
What's goin' on there? Is he just tryin' to take over the world or what? 
.
! I'm all for a new approach that speaks to working-class concerns and tackles issues like inequality and globalization 
.
. We just need to be smart about it and use some creative strategies to engage with folks in a way that feels real and inclusive 
. And don't even get me started on how they're using social media to spread their message – it's like they're basically trolling the entire world 
.
. I mean, who am I kidding? It's not like this is some kind of revolution or anything – it's just a bunch of right-wing nuts 
.
... could we be next?