US President Donald Trump's recent threat to seize a European territory has left many wondering if he finally crossed the line. The fact that he made such a statement confirmed what should have been obvious since his return to office last year: under him, the US has become an unreliable ally, if not a foe of its one-time friends.
Trump's remarks about NATO allies being "a little off the frontlines" in Afghanistan were particularly despicable, as they insulted the families of British service personnel who lost their lives in that conflict. His latest venture, a "board of peace", is an attempt to supplant and monetize the post-1945 international architecture, replacing the UN with a Mar-a-Lago-style members' club where a permanent seat costs $1bn and decision-making power lies in the hands of Trump himself.
The fact that Vladimir Putin has been invited to this "board of peace", while Mark Carney was shut out, tells you all you need to know. The US's allies have long comforted themselves with the belief that Trump is an aberration who will one day be gone, allowing the old ways to resume. However, Trump has demonstrated that the formal restraints designed to hold a US president in check are easily swept away.
This raises a crucial question: what takes the place of the world we thought we knew? The answer is not yet clear, but it carries a whisper of hope. It's time for allies of the US to realize they cannot be in a position of such dependency on the US that they have to give in to its demands.
Carney's speech at Davos earlier this week was a stark warning: "The old order is not coming back... Nostalgia is not a strategy." Instead, longtime friends of the US should aim for a new arrangement, a new formation. The middle powers can combine to create a third path โ an economic bloc with heft and a security alliance with muscle.
What would this look like? It would aim to provide a positive answer to the question that has loomed this last year: could Europe defend Ukraine, and itself, without the US? At present, the cold, hard answer is no. The goal is nothing less than a new alliance of western democracies no longer dependent on the US for their own defense.
It won't happen overnight, but it's essential that work begins now to reach this goal. As Jeremy Hunt told me, it would be "a major dereliction of duty" if they don't do the work to achieve this goal.
Increased defence spending will be key to remoulding politics in those countries who have enjoyed a peace dividend since the end of the cold war. It will also reshape Britain's relationship with Europe. The UK's departure from Brexit delusions and its contribution to Europe's defence will grant it something closer to frictionless trade.
There are opportunities here, including for Keir Starmer. He can present manifesto-breaking tax rises as a matter of national security. He can present closer ties to Europe the same way. He can leave Nigel Farage marooned on the wrong side of public opinion, fanboy to the man who insulted Britain's war dead.
The world we knew is dying, slain by Trump's would-be imperialism. But something else became visible this week: a new world waiting to be born.
Trump's remarks about NATO allies being "a little off the frontlines" in Afghanistan were particularly despicable, as they insulted the families of British service personnel who lost their lives in that conflict. His latest venture, a "board of peace", is an attempt to supplant and monetize the post-1945 international architecture, replacing the UN with a Mar-a-Lago-style members' club where a permanent seat costs $1bn and decision-making power lies in the hands of Trump himself.
The fact that Vladimir Putin has been invited to this "board of peace", while Mark Carney was shut out, tells you all you need to know. The US's allies have long comforted themselves with the belief that Trump is an aberration who will one day be gone, allowing the old ways to resume. However, Trump has demonstrated that the formal restraints designed to hold a US president in check are easily swept away.
This raises a crucial question: what takes the place of the world we thought we knew? The answer is not yet clear, but it carries a whisper of hope. It's time for allies of the US to realize they cannot be in a position of such dependency on the US that they have to give in to its demands.
Carney's speech at Davos earlier this week was a stark warning: "The old order is not coming back... Nostalgia is not a strategy." Instead, longtime friends of the US should aim for a new arrangement, a new formation. The middle powers can combine to create a third path โ an economic bloc with heft and a security alliance with muscle.
What would this look like? It would aim to provide a positive answer to the question that has loomed this last year: could Europe defend Ukraine, and itself, without the US? At present, the cold, hard answer is no. The goal is nothing less than a new alliance of western democracies no longer dependent on the US for their own defense.
It won't happen overnight, but it's essential that work begins now to reach this goal. As Jeremy Hunt told me, it would be "a major dereliction of duty" if they don't do the work to achieve this goal.
Increased defence spending will be key to remoulding politics in those countries who have enjoyed a peace dividend since the end of the cold war. It will also reshape Britain's relationship with Europe. The UK's departure from Brexit delusions and its contribution to Europe's defence will grant it something closer to frictionless trade.
There are opportunities here, including for Keir Starmer. He can present manifesto-breaking tax rises as a matter of national security. He can present closer ties to Europe the same way. He can leave Nigel Farage marooned on the wrong side of public opinion, fanboy to the man who insulted Britain's war dead.
The world we knew is dying, slain by Trump's would-be imperialism. But something else became visible this week: a new world waiting to be born.