UK Government's Fiscal Fiasco: Theatre of Errors and Self-Interest
The media frenzy surrounding the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) forecast has been laughable, with headlines screaming about "holes" and "sleaze probes". The public finances can't be predicted with pinpoint accuracy, but it seems that many are treating the OBR as an oracle. This is a case of bad theatre.
The OBR itself admits to frequent errors in its medium-term projections, often underestimating inflation and productivity. Its 2019 forecast undershot actual GDP growth by Β£200bn. Treating a projected current budget balance of Β£20bn in 2029-30 as a hard fact is deeply unserious.
The government colludes in this fiction, with some politicians hiding behind vague language. Labour's Rachel Reeves wasn't deceitful, but her silence on the OBR's mistakes was awkward. Similarly, Sir Keir Starmer suggested that the OBR had been overzealous, implying that civil servants had it in for the incoming government.
However, the real issue is not the OBR itself, but the fiscal rule that requires a current budget surplus in 2029-30. This target exists to soothe bond markets, which prefer more austerity to reduce gilt issuance and boost bond prices. The government's instability lies between the demands of its MPs and the interests of bond traders.
The solution lies in addressing the underlying drivers of the deficit. Reducing interest bills, taxing banks' windfall gains, "tiering" reserve remuneration, and ending the Treasury's indemnity of the Bank's quantitative easing losses could improve the fiscal position without harming social fabric. However, these measures require a political imagination that the current government has not yet demonstrated.
Only a new Labour leader with the courage to defy bond market fear may be able to dispel this paralysis and rebuild Britain's finances on more sustainable grounds.
The media frenzy surrounding the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) forecast has been laughable, with headlines screaming about "holes" and "sleaze probes". The public finances can't be predicted with pinpoint accuracy, but it seems that many are treating the OBR as an oracle. This is a case of bad theatre.
The OBR itself admits to frequent errors in its medium-term projections, often underestimating inflation and productivity. Its 2019 forecast undershot actual GDP growth by Β£200bn. Treating a projected current budget balance of Β£20bn in 2029-30 as a hard fact is deeply unserious.
The government colludes in this fiction, with some politicians hiding behind vague language. Labour's Rachel Reeves wasn't deceitful, but her silence on the OBR's mistakes was awkward. Similarly, Sir Keir Starmer suggested that the OBR had been overzealous, implying that civil servants had it in for the incoming government.
However, the real issue is not the OBR itself, but the fiscal rule that requires a current budget surplus in 2029-30. This target exists to soothe bond markets, which prefer more austerity to reduce gilt issuance and boost bond prices. The government's instability lies between the demands of its MPs and the interests of bond traders.
The solution lies in addressing the underlying drivers of the deficit. Reducing interest bills, taxing banks' windfall gains, "tiering" reserve remuneration, and ending the Treasury's indemnity of the Bank's quantitative easing losses could improve the fiscal position without harming social fabric. However, these measures require a political imagination that the current government has not yet demonstrated.
Only a new Labour leader with the courage to defy bond market fear may be able to dispel this paralysis and rebuild Britain's finances on more sustainable grounds.